Law and Justice

Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) is a major Polish political party founded in 2001 that has shaped the country’s politics through nationalism, social conservatism, and state-led policies.

History and ideology

Law and Justice was founded in 2001 by Jarosław Kaczyński, Lech Kaczyński, and Zbigniew Ziobro after the breakup of the post-Solidarity centre-right. It emerged from a broader conservative-anticommunist milieu in the Third Republic, building on the legacy of the Solidarity movement, Catholic social teaching, and a strong critique of the post-1989 liberal order. The party quickly became one of the two dominant forces in Polish politics, often competing with Civic Platform (PO) for power and setting the terms of national debate.

PiS first entered national government in 2005, when Lech Kaczyński won the presidency and the party formed a short-lived coalition government. Its most consequential period began in 2015, when it won an outright parliamentary majority and governed alone, a rare achievement in Polish post-communist politics. It retained or expanded its influence through the 2015–2023 period, even as its relationship with the European Union, courts, and media institutions became increasingly contested.

Ideologically, PiS sits on the right-wing and usually the national-conservative end of the spectrum. Its central pillars are:

• Polish nationalism and sovereignty, especially resistance to what it portrays as excessive external influence from the EU, Germany, or global liberal elites.
• Catholic and social conservatism, including opposition to liberalization on abortion, gender policy, and some family-law issues.
• State intervention and social welfare, notably support for large redistributive transfers to families, pensioners, and lower-income groups.
• Law-and-order politics, with an emphasis on public security, justice reform, and a strong executive state.
• Historical politics, including a strong focus on memory, national dignity, anti-communism, and symbolic recognition of Polish suffering.

The party is often described as fitting the ideological family of populist national-Catholic conservatism. That label is accurate because PiS combines mass appeal to socially conservative voters with moral traditionalism and a tendency to present politics as a struggle between “ordinary Poles” and corrupt or cosmopolitan elites.

Objective achievements and contributions

PiS governments left a substantial policy record. Supporters point to a set of concrete social and institutional changes that affected millions of Polish citizens:

• Family transfers and poverty reduction: The flagship Family 500+ programme, introduced in 2016, provided monthly child benefits and became one of the most visible redistributive reforms in modern Polish politics. It was widely credited with reducing child poverty and improving household finances for families with children.
• Pension policy: PiS introduced a series of pension improvements, including a return to a lower statutory retirement age in 2017 after the previous government had raised it. It also added periodic “thirteenth” and later “fourteenth” pension payments, strengthening support for older voters.
• Minimum wage increases: Under PiS, Poland saw sustained rises in the statutory minimum wage, which improved earnings at the bottom of the labour market, though critics argued this also increased pressure on small businesses.
• Lower unemployment and economic growth: During much of PiS rule, Poland maintained strong growth relative to many EU peers and unemployment remained low by historical standards. This owed partly to the broader economic environment, but the government’s tax collection and labour-market policies also contributed.
• Tax enforcement and fiscal revenue: PiS expanded anti–VAT fraud measures and tightened tax administration, which the government argued improved public finances and helped fund welfare expansion.
• Repatriation and symbolic recognition: The party promoted programs for Poles abroad and invested heavily in historical commemoration, including support for institutions focused on national memory and anti-totalitarian education.
• Resilience during crises: During the COVID-19 pandemic, PiS governments implemented emergency support for businesses, workers, and the health system. In 2022, after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Poland under PiS became one of Europe’s most active supporters of Ukrainian refugees, with large-scale humanitarian assistance, school access, and temporary social protections.
• Defence spending: PiS consistently increased defence expenditure and prioritized military modernization, reflecting concerns about security after Russia’s aggression in the region.

These achievements are real and measurable, but they were not cost-free. PiS critics argue that some reforms weakened institutional checks and balances, while certain social transfers contributed to fiscal pressure and inflationary risks.

Outlook

PiS remains one of the central actors in Polish politics even when not in government. Its future depends on three major tensions.

First, it must balance its mass social base with the challenge of modernization. PiS has been strongest among older voters, smaller towns, rural areas, and people who value social policy and cultural traditionalism. Yet younger urban voters tend to be more liberal on values and less receptive to its style of politics.

Second, the party faces the long-term issue of leadership and succession. Jarosław Kaczyński has been the dominant strategic figure for years, but the party’s future after his full retirement remains a key uncertainty. PiS has developed a strong organizational machine, but it is also highly personalized.

Third, PiS will likely continue to navigate a difficult relationship with European institutions, domestic courts, media, and civil society. Its voters often approve of its emphasis on sovereignty, but conflicts over rule of law and institutional reform have created sustained political costs abroad and at home.

In the short term, PiS is likely to remain a powerful opposition force and may regain governing opportunities if centrist coalitions weaken. In the medium term, it will probably continue combining welfare populism, national identity politics, and institutional confrontation with liberal elites. Its durability will depend on whether it can renew its message beyond its traditional electorate while preserving the social-policy brand that made it electorally successful.

Frequently asked questions

Is Law and Justice left-wing or right-wing? Law and Justice is right-wing, specifically national-conservative and socially traditionalist, although it uses left-leaning economic tools such as redistributive welfare policies.

What ideology does Law and Justice have? Its ideology is best described as populist national-Catholic conservatism, combining nationalism, Catholic values, social conservatism, and state-backed social spending.

What does Law and Justice stand for? It stands for Polish sovereignty, family policy, traditional values, law-and-order politics, and a stronger role for the state in social and economic life.

Who founded Law and Justice? The party was founded in 2001 by Jarosław Kaczyński, Lech Kaczyński, and Zbigniew Ziobro.

What are PiS’s most well-known policies? Its best-known policies include 500+ child benefits, pension bonuses, minimum wage increases, and stronger tax enforcement.

Why is PiS controversial? It is controversial mainly because of its judicial reforms, conflict with EU institutions, media politics, and concerns about democratic backsliding.